Toxic Fun

One of the only big cases I’ve been involved in since joining my current firm is a toxic mortgage assets case.  Even though the econ. side of me thinks the stuff is pretty interesting, most people’s eyes glaze over when I start talking about SPVs and credit enhancements and magic gnomes.  (Ok, so maybe there are no magic gnomes in mortgage-backed securitizations, but there should be.)

Anyway, the folks over at NPR’s Planet Money actually went out and bought one of those assets.  Now, they’re explaining what’s happening to it,in a more interesting, none-eye-glazing way than I ever could:

Planet Money is committed to following the financial crisis to the bitter end. And what better way to do that than to own a piece of it. We bought one of those things that no one wanted, one of those things that almost brought down the global economy: our very own toxic asset. This one has more than 2,000 mortgages in it. We paid $1,000, with our own money, for our piece. It used to be worth more like $75,000. Click on the timeline and roll over the states to watch a disaster in progress.

Readers have named the asset “Toxie.”  Click over to watch Toxie die a slow death.

-Michael

Mortgaging The Future

A while back I noted a recent piece that expected 18-24 year olds would become more ”anti-market”.  Another depressing piece about young people is now out in Newsweek, describing how the financial crisis is destroying prospects for members of the so-called “Lost Generation” (in particular, those currently age 18-24). 

These pieces are crushing because they offer such a scathing indictment of the generation that came before us, the Baby Boomers.  For the first time in a long while, it would seem that a generation has placed its own interests ahead of its descendants’.  Boomers have stacked the budget to favor entitlements heading towards an older crowd (Social Security, medical expenditures, ‘pay-in’ based unemployment benefits, etc.), while racking up an impressive deficit.  In a scam of prolific proportions, universities and colleges have exploited the misperception that education is worth any cost, while employers have said wages are “unsustainable” and must be reduced.  As a result, more and more young people (more than two-thirds in 2009) are left with debt (averaging over $20,000 in 2007), which their elders had counseled them would always be “good debt.”  It’s not “good debt” when you can’t get a job.  In the first quarter of 2009, young people underemployment (which includes people who want full-time work but can only find part-time jobs), was more than twice as high for those under 25 (at 31.5%) than for those between the ages of 35 to 54 (13.5%).  Underemployment might partly be explained by Boomers filling jobs that they should have already left, but were forced to keep when their poor financial decisions destroyed their nest eggs.  Those young folks who get jobs get paid less: incomes have fallen for the young faster than they have for the old.  Even common Boomer practices like “marriage recycling” (i.e., multiple, ill-conceived marriages) have left the younger generation with unstable footing from the beginning.  (Although I strongly disagree with their ultimate conclusions, check out this report [PDF] from the AFL-CIO for a good statistical depiction of what’s going on.)

I hope that the dismal situation for the current generation will encourage Boomers to take some steps towards change: stop over-leveraging themselves (in both public and personal spending) and stop blaming economic problems on any supposed “spirit of entitlement” in the young folks.  Maybe then we can stop having to read all these bleak articles.

-Michael

The Anti-Free Market Generation

A new article suggests that, as a result of the economic crisis, current 18-24 year olds might be “more risk-averse, invest less in the stock market, want more state intervention, believe more in redistribution, and accept higher taxes.” 

Looks like young lawyers aren’t the only youthful people losing faith in the market.

-Michael

Is Government Spending Contractionary?

One of the basic debates between “conservative” and “liberal” (i.e. Keynesian) economists concerns the extent to which government spending stimulates the economy.  Keynesians argue that government spending stimulates money through a multiplier effect, wherein the initial government expenditure leads to further private sector spending (leading to a total economic addition greater than the economic loss caused by taxes).  Conservatives contend that the government spending actually crowds out private consumption and investment.  (Learn more about crowding out here or see one form of crowding out at right.)  A new NBER paper [subscription required] by Harvard economist Robert Barro is sure to only add fuel to the fire.  First, Barro finds that government spending (in this case, defense spending) has a multiplier coeffecient of only 0.6 to 0.7.  In other words, every government dollar spent actually removed 30 to 40 cents from GDP.  Second, Barro finds that (perhaps unsurprsingly) increases in taxes have significant negative effects on GDP. 

I’m intrigued by this research, but I have to wonder if these conclusions hold up in a credit crunch like we’re in now.  When banks and other financial intermediaries are unwilling to lend (and consumers are unwilling to spend), the money they’re hoarding produces no multiplier effects.  Even if government spending is less than optimal, it would still have to produce better results in those circumstances than letting that money sit.  Of course, in normal economic times Barro’s conclusions would seem to make perfect sense to a neoliberal like me: individuals would be more informed about what investments produce the best economic results than a government-centered approach.

Macroeconomic Effects from Government Purchases and Taxes
Robert J. Barro and Charles J. Redlick
NBER Working Paper No. 15369 (September 2009)

Abstract: For U.S. annual data that include WWII, the estimated multiplier for defense spending is 0.6-0.7 at the median unemployment rate. There is some evidence that this multiplier rises with the extent of economic slack and reaches 1.0 when the unemployment rate is around 12%. Multipliers for non-defense purchases cannot be reliably estimated because of the lack of good instruments. For samples that begin in 1950, increases in average marginal income-tax rates (measured by a newly constructed time series) have a significantly negative effect on real GDP. Increases in taxes seem to reduce real GDP with mainly a one-year lag due to income effects and mostly a two-year lag due to substitution (tax-rate) effects. Since the defense-spending multiplier is typically less than one, greater spending tends to crowd out other components of GDP. The largest effects are on private investment, but non-defense purchases and net exports tend also to fall. The response of private consumer expenditure differs insignificantly from zero.

-Michael

Systemic Risk and Deposit Insurance Premiums

In the wake of the financial crisis, many economists are trying to come up with creative new ways to deal with systemic risk: the risk of a “wholesale bank failure” and failure of the financial system in general.  I just finished reading Judge Posner’s recent book, A Failure of Capitalism.  In it, Judge Posner makes a convincing case that individual bankers can (and did) make rational decisions that, at least in the aggregate, greatly increase systemic risk.  I don’t wish to go into the details of that analysis here; I just want to assume its truth.

When rational actors make decisions that create negative externalities, it often falls upon the government to adjust the incentives to account for those outside costs.  In banking, for instance, Citigroup might make certain decisions that increase its risk of bankruptcy to 1%.  For a smaller bank, that risk would only be negligibly important: the bank could fail and go into receivership.  But for Citigroup, of course, such a failure would have broader effects: it would not be able to keep the (many) promises of payment it regularly makes to other banks (cascades); it would create a “fire sale” situation wherein bank assets would have to be sold by the FDIC at a sharp discount; and confidence in the economy overall would sharply decline.  A systemic risk regulator would intervene to prevent a Citigroup (or one of its similarly-sized cohorts) from taking these individually rational (but systemically risky) actions.  Even Tyler Cowen suggests that we might need such a regulator, and it probably needs to be the Federal Reserve.  I respectfully disagree.

I think the best way to regulate systemic risk is to use the insurance premiums charged to banks by the FDIC’s Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF).  In very simple terms, the FDIC charges banks an insurance premium that is used to cover depositor losses when banks fail.  Under the current system, the FDIC charges a “risk-based” premium that is supposed to be based on: (1) the probability that the DIF will incur a loss for that institution (i.e., that the institution will fail); (2) the likely size of any such loss; and (3) the revenue needs of the Fund.  Trouble is, the premium is only based on the individual size of each bank’s risk to the Fund.  Therefore, when calculating Citigroup’s premium, the FDIC does not include any of the “contagion” effects noted above.  The FDIC isn’t actually charging for the real “likely size of any loss” that the bank will suffer from a big, interconnected bank’s failure.

I’ve seen a few different studies outlining how we could actually set the premiums to account for the systemic effects of a bank failure.  I’m not going to venture into that.  My only point is this: properly scaled, deposit insurance premiums that include systemic risk would obviate the need for any “systemic risk regulator.”  If banks that create systemic risk faced increased premiums of any significant size, one would expect them to adjust their behavior to reduce the risk.  In fact, the best approach might to charge punitively high premiums.  One could anticipate that these punitive premiums could quash the moral hazard created by government bailouts; banks would know that they would pay a high price for setting themselves up to be “too big to fail.”  Best of all, even if a bank was so brazen as to generate systemic risk in the face of high premiums, the money collected from the bank’s premiums would be enough to clean up the (system-wide) mess resulting the bank’s failure. 

Of course, to accurately assess the premiums and let the market work its magic, the FDIC would need access to an enormous amount of information at banks.  Not a problem!  The FDIC has the right to examine any FDIC-insured institution if the FDIC’s board of directors finds the examination is necessary “for insurance purposes.”  12 U.S.C. 1820(b)(3).  That would simplify the issue of setting up an entirely new systemic risk regulator with the authority to examine the books of market participants. 

Still, I recognize there’s a big sticking point: any effective premium would probably have to apply to financial institutions that do not even operate with tradititionally FDIC-insured deposits.  I also recognize that “excessive insurance premiums may hinder a financial institution’s capacity to resolve its bad loan problems and/or reinforce its owned capital.”  (Financial Crises in Japan and Latin America, pg. 82.)  And, lastly, there’s always a chance that FDIC systemic risk premiums would be miscalculated.  There is some suggestion, for instance, that the FDIC misjudged the systemic risk posed by the failure of Continental Illinois National Bank in 1984.  Even so, I think that’s better than just handing the keys over to the Fed, which has enough to worry about (like managing inflation).

-Michael

Update: FDIC Chairwoman Sheila Bair doesn’t want a “super regulator” (*cough*the Fed*cough*) either.

Banking FAIL

I think it’s worth noting that two more banks were added to the FDIC’s Failed Bank List last Friday.  Since September 2007, there have been an incredible 124 bank failures. (This number doesn’t include de facto failed banks that the FDIC does not take over, like Wachovia).  In comparison, there was one bank failure between September 2004 and September 2007.

Despite these stark numbers, there’s some suggestion that the FDIC isn’t closing banks fast enough.  Yikes.

-Michael

The Problem With Keynesian Economics and Spending Cuts

Right now, our government is running a massive deficit.  No problem, say Keynesians: we’re supposed to run deficits during economic contractions and surpluses during expansions.  Trouble is, it’s hard to kill a deficit (at least without raising taxes) without cutting spending. 

Bruce Bartlett has a great article out right now explaining why spending cuts are almost impossible.  That $7.5 trillion is going to come from increased taxes, whether we like it or not.

Update: Judge Posner and economist Gary Becker on why deficits matter.

-Michael